Introduction to the correspondence of Hans Werner Henze with Grete Weil and Walter Jockisch

The Correspondence of Hans Werner Henze (1926–2012) with Grete Weil (1906–1999) and Walter Jockisch (1907–1970)

The correspondence between Grete Weil 1, Walter Jockisch and Hans Werner Henze comprises 102 postal documents, of which only eight were written by Grete Weil and the remaining 92 by Henze. Two telegrams from Renate Praetorius to Grete Weil (on behalf of Henze) complete the correspondence. Henze often wrote joint letters to both Weil and Jockisch, but in the early period some letters were specifically addressed to only one of them and occasionally separate letters were sent in one envelope (see, for example, the letters of April 11 and May 12, 1950).

The correspondence covers the years 1948 to 1997, with a focus on the period between 1948-1953 and 1959/1960.

The language of the correspondence is German, but Henze occasionally switched to other languages. He wrote one letter, a card—and sometimes more detailed paragraphs—in French and three letters and a New Year’s greeting in English.

The letters are preserved in the Weil estate of the Monacensia and in the Henze estate of the Paul Sacher Foundation in Basel. In the Weil estate, the envelopes are kept separately from the letters and cards and therefore had to be reassigned, which was not always easy with postmarks that were difficult to read and/or undated letters.

All but four of Henze’s letters in this correspondence are handwritten and it is very easy to observe the development from an initially very clear, rather narrow script to the later handwriting, in which the individual letters are rather separated and the spaces between the words are very wide.

In the early period, Henze generally uses lower case even after punctuation marks and only capitalizes the words of address (Dich, Dein, Euer etc.). Later, he uses mixed capitalization, in which the names and usually also the beginnings of sentences are capitalized. However, this is not a clear chronological development: Henze repeatedly has phases in which he writes consistently in lower case.

The capital and small “l” cannot be distinguished, which is why this is transcribed according to the overall context. The lowercase “z” is quite individual in the early period, where Henze only very rarely writes a crossbar and which, especially as an initial letter, strongly resembles an “n”.

Henze’s French is easy to understand, but grammatically and orthographically not flawless. Above all, the use of the accent is very “limited” the grave accent is only used for short words such as “très”, “à” and “concrète”, otherwise he always writes the acute accent and does not use the circumflexe at all.

Postal documents from Grete Weil have only been preserved since Walter Jockisch’s death on 22 March 1970 (see the section “Characterization of the relationship”). Of the eight documents, two telegrams and three letters each are handwritten and typewritten. Weil’s handwriting is (and probably always was) difficult to read, as Henze complains in the very first surviving letter (“ta lettre etait prèsque inlisible”), which is why she preferred the typewriter. To get an impression of Weil’s handwriting, see the illustration in Lisbeth Exner’s biography on p. 115.

(The brackets denote the duration of the correspondence on this subject)

As already mentioned, the Weil/Jockisch-Henze correspondence is very one-sided, as the reply letters from the intensive period of exchange between 1948 and 1960 have been lost, and only a few of Grete Weil’s letters survived after Walter Jockisch’s death in 1970. In the early period, Henze explains the loss of all letters addressed to him was due to his numerous moves, during which suitcases containing his correspondence were lost. The correspondence ends in Henze’s estate (Paul Sacher Foundation) with Weil’s obituary, in her estate (Monacensia) with the letter of November 30, 1993 with notes on the autobiography, although Grete Weil’s postal documents suggest that Henze must have written again personally at least on her 90th birthday on July 18, 1996.

The early letters in particular are strongly influenced by Henze’s private and professional development. They are combined with interesting insights into first Internationale Ferienkurse für Neue Musik in Darmstadt and the reestablishment of theater life after the Second World War, especially at Henze’s places of work in Göttingen, Constance and Wiesbaden, and at Walter Jockisch’s in Stuttgart, Hanover, and Berlin. A particular focus during this period is the description of the German, French and English ballet scene.

In addition, the languages Henze used in his letters provide insight into his personality around 1950. The first surviving letter in the correspondence, as well as a card dated April 21, 1952, are both written in French, and he frequently switched to French for “delicate” topics, for example, in the letter from the beginning of November 1951. Only rarely, as in the letter dated November 17, 1977, can his use of English be given a substantive reason.

The few late letters also include two with decidedly political statements; see the letters April, 8, 1974 and November, 27, 1977.

Grete Weil and Walter Jockisch first met Hans Werner Henze at the Ferienkurse für Neue Musik, which had been held annually at Schloss Kranichstein near Darmstadt (later in the city of Darmstadt) since 1946. Walter Jockisch was the director of the Darmstadt Theatre until early 1948 and Grete Weil had moved from Amsterdam to live with him, her childhood friend, at the end of 1947.2 Her husband, Edgar Weil, had been murdered in Mauthausen on September 17, 1941 and she herself had survived the persecution of the Jews in Amsterdam, first by working in the Jewish Council and ultimately by going into hiding.

She wrote about in her answer to the question “Do you love Germany?”:

“Ich ging in keine Einsamkeit, ich ging zu einem Mann, der mich erwartete, meinem Jugendfreund Walter Jockisch. Da er, der Opernregisseur geworden war, Deutschland nie verlassen hatte, besaß er einen großen Freundeskreis, der bald auch der meine wurde. Ich war integriert, fühlte mich nicht ‚fremd im eigenen Land‘ und hatte es so ungleich leichter als die meisten anderen Remigranten.”
(Marielouise Janssen-Jureit (Hg.), Lieben Sie Deutschland?, München 1985, S. 54–60, hier: S. 56)

The time of the persecution of the Jews and the cruel loss of her first husband not only shaped Weil’s literary works, but also her life, although this was probably rarely a topic of conversation with Henze, as he wrote on September 28, 1993:

“Ich würde gerne mehr wissen über Deine Familie und Dich in der Nazizeit – es war ja immer so eine Art Tabú, eine Scheu da, sodass ich nie gewagt habe, nachzufragen – jetzt aber, wo ich auf ganz korrekte Berichterstattung achten muss, wären mir genaue Kenntnisse wichtig.”

As the Darmstadt courses took place in the summer, the contact must have already been established in the summer of 1947, since Henze’s first surviving letter dated April 9, 1948 already indicates a certain familiarity with Weil and Jockisch. There is documentation of Walter Jockisch’s active participation in the 1947 vacation course: He was artistic director of the world premiere of the new version of Carl Orff’s Der Mond (July 20, 1947) and his production of Stravinsky’s Histoire du soldat was performed on July 24. On the other hand, works by Henze were performed here for the first time. Henze studied with Wolfgang Fortner in Heidelberg from 1945-1948 and accompanied him to the summer courses from the very beginning. Henze’s Sonatina for Flute and Piano and the 2nd movement of his 1st Symphony had their premiere on July 27, 1947.

There is no evidence that Grete Weil also took part in 1947, but there is mention of her stays in Germany at this time and she also described the initial contact in Darmstadt, but for the year 1948 (vgl. Weil, “Über meine Zusammenarbeit mit Henze” .

Despite the rather large age difference of 20 years between Henze and Weil and Jockisch, they must have understood each other well from the very beginning: Henze’s very first letter to Grete Weil testifies to a fundamental agreement. In his autobiography, Henze describes the relationship as follows:

“The best thing about Walter and Grete was that you could tell them absolutely everything and complain about everything you wanted. They spoilt you and let you be as rude as you liked. Either they did not feel justified in trying to teach me better manners or they regarded me as a hopeless case – which was precisely why I regarded them both so highly.”
(see Autobiography, S. 90)

In his letter of condolence on the occasion of Walter Jockisch’s death, however, Henze struck a different tone:

“Eine Heldin der Liebe musst Du sein. Ich habe mich oft über Dich gewundert, habe dich bewundert – deshalb fällt mir in diesem Brief auch hauptsächlich zu Dir was ein. Hatte vor Butzi immer etwas Angst dass er mich anschreien würde oder sonstwie die schlechte Stimmung an mir etc. weil ich das nicht ertrage, hauptsächlich wegen der zu befürchtenden finalen Reaktion von mir die selten vorkommt aber fürchterlich ist. Also so war das.”
(Letter April, 26, 1970)

And in her last letter, in which she expresses her thanks for the congratulations on her 90th birthday, Grete Weil wrote:

“Du warst mir so nah in diesen letzten Tagen. Durch Deine Worte, durch Deine Blumen, die unter den vielen weitaus die schönsten waren; durch die Erinnerungen, die bei uns bestimmt verschieden sind. Du warst in den Jahren des häufigen Zusammenseins so etwas wie ein besonders geliebter Sohn für mich, den ich mir so begabt wie Dich, immer gewünscht hatte.”
(Letter July, 26, 1996).

Initially, Henze addressed Weil and Jockisch as “Sie” as a matter of course (although in the early letters, especially to Grete Weil, he occasionally used “Du”), but after he visited their vacation home in Egern for the first time in the summer of 1949, the form of address changed to “Du” on both sides. From 1950 onwards, the salutations “Butza” for Weil and “Butzi”" for Jockisch prevailed, and by the time of their collaboration and their joint trip to Italy in 1951 at the latest, the tone became very familiar. Henze even allowed himself salutations such as “dear monkey pack” (Letter after November, 10, 1950) or “dear monkey tail” (Letter August, 12, 1950 ). From this time onwards, he almost always signs his letters with “hänschen”, occasionally also with “häschen” (see the graphic letter May 23, 1950).

The early letters, which were primarily addressed to Jockisch due to the professional nature of the correspondence are strongly influenced by Henze’s first theatre engagements in Constance and Wiesbaden, as well as his experiences with the ballet scene. However, these letters are always interspersed with very private messages (see the letter at the beginning of October 1949), which give a deep insight into Henze’s problems around 1950. His replies reveal how important Jockisch’s answers were to him on a personal level (“it is only in response to your letter that I realize that I simply must have the time to write”, letter from the end of November 1949). This makes it all the more regrettable that all these letters have been lost. These early letters do not reveal the “fear” towards Jockisch that Henze describes after his death in the aforementioned letter of condolence to Grete Weil.

Again and again, the correspondence also alludes to Henze’s precarious financial situation, from which Weil and Jockisch often helped him out, but Henze summarizes the relationship shortly before the premiere of Boulevard Solitude as follows::

“on the way back I had time to think about the last days in Hannover and I came to the very striking result that you and he are really fine people, and that I feel a thankfulness for you which does not mean hotel bills etc. but something more, confidence and humanity.”
(Letter February, 9, 1952)

The intensive correspondence and personal contact between Weil/Jockisch and Henze lasted until 1953 (58 postal documents). Perhaps the contact became looser afterwards because Henze moved to Italy. Another frequent exchange took place on the occasion of the performance of König Hirsch in Darmstadt and a meeting in Ascona in 1959/1960 (14 postal documents). Subsequently, contact became less frequent, but never broke off entirely (in contrast to the correspondence with Enzensberger , for example). The intensive early period had obviously laid an unbreakable foundation:

“während der Aufführung [“Boulevard Solitude” in Munich] ist es mir aufgegangen, dass es natürlich kein Privatbrief von mir an dich war, sondern ein Liebesbrief, einer der innigsten, die ich je geschrieben habe und ganz ganz sicher der, bei dem am meisten herausgekommen ist. Wir haben beide seit jeher viel von der Trauer der Liebe (und der Verlogenheit der Bürger) verstanden – unser Kind ist richtig und gut.”
(Letter of Grete Weil March, 18, 1974)

further literature:
Autobiographie pp. 71, 84, 89f., 96
Weil: “Über meine Zusammenarbeit mit Henze” (Programmheft München 1974)

Boulevard Solitude

Due to their collaboration on Henze’s first opera Boulevard Solitude, the names of Grete Weil and Walter Jockisch have always been present in Henze research, even if other librettists such as Ingeborg Bachmann, Auden and Kallman, and Edward Bond have received more attention.

Henze’s letters up to the premiere of Boulevard Solitude contain a great deal of information about the opera, but unlike the correspondence with Enzensberger (La Cubana) or Auden/Kallman (Elegy for Young Lovers, Bassarids) they do not deal with detailed questions about individual sections of the text, etc.

As the second surviving letter from May 17, 1948 makes clear, Weil/Jockisch and Henze must have made plans for a joint opera immediately after first meeting. Unfortunately, it is not possible to trace all the stages from the letters themselves: from the idea expressed here of choosing Rouge et Noir by Stendhal as the subject matter to the final decision in favor of the Manon subject matter. Much was discussed verbally due to the geographical proximity of Heidelberg with both Darmstadt and Stuttgart (despite Henze’s stay in Göttingen in 1949). Both Weil and Henze describe how Henze ultimately had the idea for this material (cf. Viehöver, p. 30f.). The subject Manon Lescaut is mentioned for the first time on 13 January 1950, but here too it is emphasized that the ideas were discussed orally.

The information on the further development of the opera is compiled chronologically from the letters below:

  • Mid April 1950: Henze mentions that he has ideas for Manon in his head:: “unsere manon, dieses gebilde aus zartem draht, blauen pastellenen tönen, zarten orchesterklängen, sie spukt auch in meinem kopf. ich traf oestergaard. den modekönig von berlin, er ist bereit zu den futuristischen kostümen, von denen ich träume.”
  • May, 12, 1950: After the suicide attempt, Henze plans to be in Egern from June to August 1950 to work on Manon.
  • May, 23, 1950: This schedule is confirmed (Weil is already working on the libretto): “ich möchte die oper in egern in einem zuge komponieren”.
  • Stay in Egern 7 Juli bis Mitte August 1950: An intensive phase of work on the opera, even if the opera was not yet finished that summer, as Henze had initially planned.
  • August, 12/19, 1950: : On his departure from Egern, the libretto is finished and some of the music is already complete.
  • after September, 10, 1950: The 3rd picture is finished and the following interlude; first discussions with the press about the opera.
  • November, 27, 1950: 4th picture finished; the opera is already published by Schott.
  • Early January 1951: Henze is unable to complete the opera due to too much theatre work, but the first pictures are already sent to Schott to make the piano reduction.
  • February, 10, 1951: He wants to complete the opera after his move; a contract is mentioned for the first time; the start of the composition of the Morphium Dance is announced.
  • March, 20, 1951: Manon is almost finished; 20% for Grete Weil is planned in the contract with Schott.
  • April 1951: Work on the 6th picture, the final title is mentioned for the first time; details of the contract are mentioned. Henze emphasizes that Jockisch will also be named on the title page.
  • June, 12, 1951: Hanover is mentioned for the first time as the location of the premiere; Henze also insists on Jean-Pierre Ponnelle for the set in Hanover. (In earlier letters, Henze had repeatedly emphasized that he would only do the opera with Jockisch as director.)
  • September, 4, 1951: piano scores are sent in about 14 days

For the premieres:

  • mid October 51: Visit to Hanover for the stage; first drafts by Ponnelle are ready.
  • Early November 1951: Rehearsals begin.
  • November, 27, 1951: Casting problems in Hanover? “aber ich muss darauf bestehen, dass meine oper - trotz - trotz - trotz - provinzial hauptstadt eine grosse broadway - champs elysées kudamm timesquare wolke wird. daher verlange ich zwei STARS für die hauptrollen und wirkliche kunstvolle petipa-choreographie.”
  • January, 18, 1952: Henze is unable to come to the premiere in Hanover due to lack of money (money problems had already been indicated beforehand)..
  • February, 9, 1952: Comments on Walter Jockisch’s production based on rehearsal visits.
  • Early March 1952: Reviews are sent out.

This means that the decision was made in January 1950 to turn the Manon subject into an opera, and that the libretto text was completed in mid-August. The scenario by Walter Jockisch (autobiography, p. 88) must have been available by the beginning of their stay together in Egern, that is, at the beginning of June 1950 at the latest. Assuming that Henze also composed this opera along the lines of the libretto - as later always documented - it was completed by September up to the third scene, the fourth scene was written by the end of November 1950, but the sixth scene only in April 1951. The exact date of completion of the composition is not mentioned. According to Henze’s autobiography (p. 94) the opera was completed in Paris at the Café Flore. However, as the piano scores were already announced in September 1951, Boulevard Solitude must have been completed by the end of August 1951 at the latest. The following mentions of the opera then concern the preparations for the premiere in Hanover.

From November 7, 1952 to February 23, 1953, the letters refer to the radio version of Boulevard Solitude. Cf. Wagner pp. 290-293. Wagner says that Just Scheu had arranged the opera as a radio opera.

The letters of March 18 and April 8, 1974 reflect their joint visit to the performance of Boulevard Solitude in Munich. Once again, Jean-Pierre Ponnelle had set the opera and this time also staged it – a production that did not convince either Grete Weil or Henze (cf. Max W. Busch pp. 330f. and 372).

further literature:
Vera Viehöver, “,Warum wir eine Manonoper schrieben‘. Grete Weil und Hans Werner Henze”, in: Text + Kritik IV/09 = Bd. 182 “Grete Weil”, S. 29–43.
Autobiography pp. 88f., 101
Weil, “Warum wir eine Manon-Oper schrieben”

Autobiographies

In 1993, Weil and Henze once again engaged in a close exchange, in which the autobiographies of both were the focus. The content only concerned Henze’s autobiography, as Weil’s autobiography ended in 1947 with her return to Germany, that is, before contact with Henze. However, Henze sent Weil the fourth chapter of his autobiography in advance for critical reading and also received critical comments back from her, which are unfortunately lost. Henze then sent her some corrective feedback. It is possible that Weil looked through the letters she had kept in this context and possibly added some of the subsequent dates in pencil.

Theatre scene around 1950

Perhaps due to his contact with Weil/Jockisch and the fact that his first companions were dancers, Henze’s interest at the beginning of the correspondence was entirely focused on the theatre. His first jobs were also in the theatre (Constance 1949, Wiesbaden autumn 1950 - summer 1952) and during this time he not only spent all his free time attending performances, but also composed almost exclusively for the stage.

It is therefore not surprising that a large part of the correspondence - in addition to the aforementioned frequent descriptions and complaints about Henze’s personal situation - deals with the theatre business of the time. They visited each other at important premieres and first performances, reported to each other about performances they had attended, talked about people and rarely strayed into gossip. Unfortunately, all this is only documented from Henze’s perspective. Henze did not seem to like gossip, because in October 1951 he wrote to Jockisch: “Deine bemerkungen über p. und m. sind ein typisch berliner trinen-geschwätz, dem ich keinen wert beilegen möchte”.

Henze seems to have quickly familiarized himself with the world of theatre, as he soon gave his verdicts on plays of all genres and their productions.

Henze’s letters are therefore also important documents for this period, which is still poorly researched in terms of theatre history. Because of the numerous but very different details that Henze describes, and because these often only shed light on situations, some of which are incidental, any kind of “summary” of Henze’s statements is dispensed with here.

This abundance of theatrical detail posed considerable problems for the commentary. The actual performances that Henze refers to cannot always be identified. The daily newspapers of the time are still hardly digitized for copyright reasons, and the higher-level journals, such as Melos and Theater der Zeit, often only discuss the premieres—they are very reticent concerning specific dates and do not mention any subsequent performances. Performance dates can only be identified by consulting archival copies of local daily newspapers or by making enquiries at the individual theatres—an arduous task that could not be carried out in all cases.

further literature:
Günther Rühle, “Theater in Deutschland 1945–1966” [Focus on drama]
O. F. Regner, “Das Ballettbuch”, Frankfurt a/M/Hamburg 1954.
Klaus Geitel, “Hans Werner Henze”, Berlin 1968.

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